A Thematic Shift in Academic Literatures on Agroforesty Systems in West Java, Indonesia

 

Noer Fauzi Rachman 

A final paper submitted to Prof. Miguel A. Altieri,  ESPM 118 "Agroecology",  Fall 2006. 5 December 2006  


Introduction

            Agroforestry have been practices in Java long before the term was originated by academic experts who thought they had invented something new.  It covers both agriculture that incorporates arable food crops, perennials and annuals and often also animals. Agroforestry systems appear in various forms, but all exhibit the same fundamental ecological, technical and socioeconomic qualities, such as soil protection, biodiversity conservation, use of simple techniques, high compatibility with knowledge systems, etc. Whitten et al proposes a useful definition to cover a broad range of agroforestry practices in Java, i.e.: “a system of permanent land use compatible with local culture practices and ecological conditions, by which both annual and perennial crops are cultivated simultaneously or in rotation, often in several layers, in such a way that sustained multiple-purpose production is possible under the beneficial effect of the improved edaphic and microclimate conditions provided by simulated forest” (Whitten et al 1995:600). Wiersum (1980) develops a classification of indigenous agroforestry systems of Java (see table 1), and founds that despite the many types of system in Java that can be found, identifies similar functional characteristics, i.e.:  

o      Perennial crops dominate the system such that there is a relatively high proportion of nutrients in the vegetation rather than the soil. So long as the perennial cover is not grossly disturbed and the proportion of annuals remain low, the soil is well protected from exhaustion, leaching, and erosions;

o     There are at least two layers of vegetation, which allows for improved exploitations of water, nutrients, and light. This can lead to symbiotic synergism (beneficial) or allelopathic reactions (detrimental). Unfortunately most food crops require high light levels and so are generally unsuitable in agroforestry systems; and 

o     There are relatively high numbers of species, as well as high structural and special diversity, which spread the risks of loss through pests and disease and provide daily yield of at least some crops.

 

Table 1. Agroforestry systems of Java

 

Cultivation system

Subsystem

Indigenous system

Rotational cropping (of annual and perennial crops)

With natureal tree fallow

Shifting cultivation (lading, huma) (almost extict on Java)

With planted tree fallow

Wonosobo System;

Accacia-tobacco and vegetables

Intercropping (annuals and short-lived perennials in spaces between trees)

 

Scattered trees on or beside agricultural fields (tegal-pekarangan)

Mixed cropping (low perennials in spaces between high perennials)

Trees and agricultural crops

 

Trees and forage crops for stall feeding

 

Trees, fodder crops, and green manure crops

Several local systems

Multistoreyed cropping (combination of long and short duration crops simultaneously)

In housing compound

Home garden (pekarangan)

Outside housing compound

Mixed garden (kebun campuran), Forest garden (talun)

Mixed farming (crop growing and animal husbandary)

In housing compound

Home garden (pekarangan)

Outside housing compound

Several local systems (e.g., grazing in coconut plantations)

Source: Wielsum 1980.

Michon and de Foresta (1996) distinguish simple agroforestry systems and agroforests. Simple agroforestry systems represent associations of a small number of components, usually no more than five tree species and an annual species (paddy, maize, vegetables, forage herbs) or treelet (bananas, cocoa, coffee). These simple associations most often concern the “agro-” facet of agroforestry. The best-documented forms of “simple” agroforestry are alley-cropping and/or taugya system.  In complex agroforestry systems, a high number of components (trees as well as treelets, liana, herbs) are intimately associated, and the physiognomy as well as functioning of such systems, are close to those observed for natural forest ecosystems, either primary or secondary forests. Because of the dominance of tree components, of high plant diversity and of forest-like structure and functioning, these complex systems, that Michon and de Foresta call as “agro-forests”, which is defined as “complex agroforestry systems which look like and function as natural forest ecosystems, but are integrated into agricultural management systems,” and “their conception, their management and their economic and environmental qualities, clearly differentiate them from better known ‘simple’ agroforestry association as alley cropping, intercropping or hedgerow systems” (Michon and de Foresta 1996:1).

Through writing this paper, I will learn the unique characteristic of West Java’s agroforests, and how this unique characteristic have been promoted by scientists, usually employing human ecology approach. I will show that differs with the previous studies that promote the West Java’s agroforests as a sustainable and persistent form of indigenous resource management, the recent studies start to reveal critical conditions of the agroforests, and identify various external factors in declining and disappearing the remained agroforests. The first group of studies that will be reviewed includes Wiersum (1982), Soemarwoto (1984, 1985, 1987), Soemarwoto and Soemarwoto (1984), Soemarwoto et al (1985a, 1985b), Christanty et al (1986), and Soemarwoto and Conway (1992). The current studies that will be reviewed as contributors to understand factors decreasing, declining or disappearing agroforests, include Abdoellah et al (2002), Parikesit et al (2005) and Abdoellah et al (2006).  Aside learning from those studies, my long experience working with local peasant movement groups in West Java have led me into the significance of those agroforestry systems. In many part of southern West Java uplands, since democratic breakthrough after the fall of authoritarian regime in 1998 landless villagers had organized efforts to occupy plantation and forest lands that previously controlled by two biggest state landlords, i.e. State Plantation Corporation and State Forestry Corporation. For 8 years, they have contested the state landlords with double strategies: (a) to have maintained the occupation, cultivated the land, and transformed the land use into agroforestry and agricultural plots; and (b) to demand land reform implementation to national and district government arenas, especially to make the lands occupied by the landless villagers as land reform object (Fauzi 2003, 2005, Afiff et al 2004). 

 

Promotion of West Java agroforestry systems: The pekarangan (homegarden) and kebun-talun (Annual-Perennial Rotation)  

            Since its inception in 1972, as the first environmental center in Indonesia, Institute of Ecology, University of Padjadjaran, Bandung, Indonesia, have worked on the “ecology of development” as a scientific basis for an ecologically sensitive approach to development. From the beginning it has focused its interdisciplinary research and development activities on the agroforestry systems in West Java, especially on talun-kebun (or kebun-talun) and pekarangan in recognition of importance of the system for the rural people of Java, and its significance in highlighting the positive interaction between ecology and development. The man behind the Institute, Otto Soemarwoto theorizes that agroforestry systems in West Java have developed from from shifting cultivation (huma) systems in forest areas (Soemarwoto 1985). He considers that shifting cultivations as the oldest form of agriculture that still practiced in some areas of West Java. Two major types of sedentary agricultural systems evolved from shifting cultivation (see Figure 1). One system involves the cultivation of annuals, either wet rice where irrigation is possible or upland crops where it is not, while the other system involves perennials. The cultivated perennials are selected endemic forest species that the people consider useful and a number of introduces species. The combined cultivation of selected endemics and introduced species takes the form of a human-made forest, which in West Java is called talun. In this system, the people continue to practice a “shifting” pattern of cultivation, which is called the talun-kebun system, talun being equivalent to the garden in cultivation (A comparison between shifting cultivation (huma) and kebun talun is developed by Soemarwoto and Soemarwoto 1984, see Table 1).

Table 1. A comparison betweem traditional shifting cultivation and kebun-talun system

 

Huma (shifting cultivation)

Kebun-talun system

Forest

Natural

Man-made

Land ownership

Not well defined

Well-defined

Clearing

To open a space for garden

 

Burning

Almost all parts

Only a small part

Mineral cycling

Almost closed, few minerals, exported, no import of minerals

Open, large quantity of minerals exported, but balanced by import of minerals

Economy

Subsistence

Market economy

Population density

Low

Higher

 Source: Soemarwoto and Soemarwoto 1984.


Figure 1. The evolution of agroecosystems in Java



Soemarwoto (1984) and Soemarwoto et al (1985a) decribes talun-kebun, or rotation system between mixed garden and tree plantation, as a traditional system that increase overall production and serves multiple functions by sequentiallycombining agricultural crops with tree crops. The clearing of the talun entails a harvest of perennials, for example bamboo.  When the need arises, lands that are used for crop cultivation, such as rice fields or talun, may also be used for settlement. In these instances, perennials are grown in home garden (pekarangan) surrounding the houses. Soemarwoto et al (1985b) and Soemarwoto (1987) describes Pekarangan, homegarden intercropping system, as a traditional system located in the village that provides both subsistence and commercial products and serves multiple functions by simultaneously combining agricultural crops with tree crops and animals. A comparison between kebun-talun and pekarangan was developed by Christanty et all (1986:137) in Table 2.

 

Table 2. A Comparison between kebun-talun and pekarangan

Kebun-Talun

Pekarangan

Usually with Rotation

Without rotation

Absence of houses

Presence of houses

Usually outside the village

Inside the village

High maintenance (in terms of labor and fertilizer at the kebun stage)

Low maintenance

Larger size

Smaller size

Diversity is often less than home garden because commercial crops are emphasized

High diversity

Usually on slopes

Usually on flat land

Animals are indirectly involved

Animals are always an integral part of the system

Regular harvest on the annual cycle

Irregular (but year-round) harvest 

Source: Christanty et al (1986:137)

  

Chrisanti et al (1986) decribes three stages of the kebun-talun system (see figure): kebunkebun campuran and talun (see figure 2) – each stages serving a different function.   Kebun is the first stage, usually planted with a mixture of annual crops. This stage has a high economic value since most of the crops are sold for cash. After two years, tree seedlings have begun to grow into the field, and there is less space for annual crops. The kebun gradually evolves into a kebun-campuran, where annuals are mixed with half-grown perennials. The economic value of this stage is not as high, but it has a high biophysical value as it promotes soil and water conservation. After harvesting the annuals, the field usually is abandoned for two to three years to become dominated by perennials. This stage is known as talun, and this stage has both economic and biophysical values. 


Figure 2: Successional Stages of the Kebun-Talun System

Source: Isnawan 1980, as represented in Chrisanty et all 1986:134.

 

 

Different with the kebun-talun, the Pekarangan is a mixture of annual crops, perennial crops, and animal (including insects and wild animals) on the land surrounding a house (see Figure 3). It is an integrated system with boundaries and serves a variety of economic, biophysical, and sociocultural functions for the owner.  The diversity of species lends the pekarangan biological stability, for even the village do not use pesticides, there are seldom serious pest outbreaks. Animals are raised by the villagers in pekarangan. The poor family may have only a few chickens and the richer one a few water buffaloes (karabau) or cows, while goats and sheep are owned by people at the intermediate level. Other animal commonly found are ducks, rabbits, as well as pet animals such as dogs, cats, and birds. In West Java upland fishponds often form part of the pekarangan system. The fish are fed partly on kitchen waste, and the pond is also fertilized by human waste, which is why the bathroom toilet is build above it. The other animals’ pens are located close to the pond. Their wastes are composted and used as manure in the garden and other agricultural fields (see Figure 4). This integrated farming of fish, livestock and crops is called as integrated aquaculture (Schmidt 1980). Presumably for hygienic reasons, the villagers do not use the contaminated water of the pond. The water for the bathroom comes through bamboo pipes from higher ground. 


Figure 3. Changes in home gardens in West Java.




Notes:
(a)   traditional garden showing diverse, dense, and stratified vegetation away from the house; 
(b)  traditional garden with a new house showing reduced tree cover;
(c)   more modern home garden with house, more open canopy, and many short-cycle species;
(d)  renewed home garden with productive ground layer.
 
Source: Michon and Marry 1990, as represented in Whitten et al (1996:615)

 

Figure 4. The traditional recycling system in West Javanese villages




Promotion of these two agroforestry systems was definitely matched with growing attention of many western scholars on traditional agroforestry, which is viable in ecological terms as well as in economic, social and cultural terms. Soemarwoto wrote in 1984, “If agro-forestry is defined as a system which resembles a forest in structure and combines the functions of fulfilling the socio-economic needs of the people with the need of a natural forest for soil protection and maintenance of the water cycle, and the talun-kebun (and also the pekarangan) system(s) can be regarded as a good example of a traditional agro-forestry system(s)” (Soemarwoto 1984:98).  Many research-based articles published in prestigious journal such as Agroforestry Systems provide a detail and concrete examples of the unique characteristic of these systems. For example, Jensen shows that the sustainability of the homegarden as forest like ecosystem is connected to the medium fertile soil with large nutrient reserves, the large plant biomass directly and indirectly protecting the soil against erosion and drying, and a high species diversity providing a large variation in crop phenology and stability in nutritional suplly” (Jensen 1983:171). Another publication by Michon et all (1983) describes the salient features of village-agroforest: rich in plant species, a layered structure of the vegetation, existing patchwork and sucession of sylvigenetic phases (from pioneer to homeostatic phase). They fascinate how the Javanese peasant employs in their small plot – often less than 0.1 ha in area – “a sophisticated system of production, the condition of which simulate the natural mature forest environment and which is also well integrated with natural landscape. Natural processes of energy flows between the components of the system are maintained and thus conferring a degree of ecological stability” (Michon et al 1983:118). 

            Many further researches – only few of them that presented here – confirm the sustainable features of West Java agroforestry systems. Kusumandari and Mitchell (1997), who documents the erosion rates and sediment yields of both forested and agroforestry areas in the Citarik subwatershed, West Java, argues that soil erotion in agroforestry areas is not significantly different from that of forested areas. “(A)groforestry is an exelent land use to reduce soil erotion.” The research also confirms “it is not only good for soil, but also beneficial for the farmers. The season is that the output consist of both short-term yielding crops (corn, beans) as well as long term yielding crops (lumber from the trees)” (Kusumandari and Mitchell 1997:380).  Christanty et al (1996), Christanty et al (1997) and Mailly et al (1997) made a research on the bamboo talun-kebun system located in a village in Soreang district, near Bandung, West Java. They show the importance of bamboo in maintaining the fertility and productivity of land. The research shows that “the bamboo is able to recover much of the nutrients leached deeper into the soil profile during the two years of cropping, and to deposit them at or near the soil survace as above-ground litter and dead fine roots. Furthermore, the thick organic layer produced by the bamboo may be very important for conserving soil moisture and minimizing surface runoff and erosion, in addition to its nutritional contribution” (Christanty et al 1996:87-88). Also, data that they collected on nutrient accumulation in the forest floor during the fallow stage show “a build-up of soil humus and an increase in site nutrient reserves released after the clearing and hoeing of the mature talun” (Mailly et al 1997:172).

 

Declining traditional agroforestry systems in West Java?

 

The pekarangan and kebun-talun in area of West Java have changed dramatically over the past three decades. Since these agroforestry systems was promoted as long-lasting forms of traditional sustainable resource management, the main promoters warned that their very existence are under the pressure of demographic and socio-economic factors (Soemarwoto et all 1985a, 1985b, Christanty et all 1986, Soemarwoto 1987).  Recent researches not only confirm those general predictions but also specifically identify various ecological characteristics and social roles of these agroforestry systems that have been adversely affected by those factors. Now, there are tendencies that the traditional systems of sustainable agroforesry that has kept people safe and well fed for centuries may no longer be sustainable without external input. 

Parikesit et al (2004) provides detailed stories on disappearing trend of kebun tatangkalan (a local name for kebun-talun) in the Upper Citarum Watershed, West Java. Their field observation between 1995 and 2000 in indicate that many kebon tatangkalan patches have been converted to a more productive agricultural land like cash crop fields. In their research, climatic and edaphic conditions are more suitable for farmers to grow annual crops such as potatoes, cabbage, green onion, and carrot. “(I)f farmer converts one-patok (approximately 400 m2) kebon tatangkalan to be planted with carrots, he could earn at least IDR 75,000 (abou US$ 8.80) within 70 days. In comparison, he has to wait for at least five years in order to log the planted timber (Albizia or Eucalyptus) to gain sam annount of cash” (Parikesit et all 2004:178).  Abdullah et al (2002) who made a research in the upper Citarum watershed, West Java, examine, among others, main question “do rural people still maintain the ‘old’ structure of home garden in the course of rapid development in agricultural sector and market pressure?” They found that there are shifting the species in their home garden to fulfill the need for more cash as consumer goods become available. “The introduction of commercial crops into the home garden system is a potential source of structural and functional change. The home garden may become dominated by a few plant species; some have even became monoculture, with the dominant plant species made up of cash crops such as vegetables in high demand in city markets … This led to more intensive management practices on the part of the owner, such as increased watering and use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides” (Abdullah et al 2002:141). A 2006 article by Abdoellah et al reviews many previous studies revealed the impact of commercialization of homegardens, and also brings their own research, focusing on vegetation composition and functional changes, as their contribution to enrich the academic literature. They conclude “although income from commercialized home gardens was increased, they have decreased plant diversity and evenness, a higher level of ecological and financial risk to the owner, higher requirements for external inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides, a lower level of community equitability, and increased instability” (Abdoellah et al 2006:12). 

 

Closing Notes

Under the current social and economic circumstances of rural area in West Java, “a simple return to the traditional land use systems is not likely to be a practical solution. It is essential to reconstruct a modified sustainable land use system that is practical under existing conditions, especially through an understanding of the process that support sustainability of the traditional land use systems” (Harashina et al 2003:76). Abdoellah et al notes “to revitalize the traditional functions of homegardens, we must convince the owners that the complex vegetations structure of these homegarden is more advantageous in the long term than the simpler and less stable structure of commercial homegardens” (Abdoellah et al 2006:12).

It is really a great challenge for agroforestry advocates now to persuade farmers that continuing expansion of capitalist-intensive agriculture that leads to the homogenization of land-use type will ultimately cause ecosystem instability. This is an urgent but not easy task, and it will be an impossible mission if the scientists only play their conventional roles with conventional type of research. In order to link scientists, especially ecologists, with traditional farmers, this requires redirecting research to be more engaged not only with problem, but also with participatory learning and actions in local level, as well as efforts to change broader development policies (Altiery 2004).  There are huge existing institutional distances between peasant movements groups who struggling for land reform and better access to productive resources, and social and natural scientists, especially who promoting traditional agroforestry systems. Usually the scientist works within establish institutions such as Institute of Ecology in Padjadjaran University in Bandung, or ICRAF (International Center for Research in Agroforestry) in Bogor.  It may be our future challenges to link them, and initiate synergy and productive engagements.  Withous this strong base, I believe the promotion of the West Java agroforests as part of Globally Important Ingenious Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) will find no real social support from real beneficiaries. ***)


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